Anarchy is more than throwing bombs Although some Rhode Islanders embrace it as a way of fostering social justice, extending the ethos beyond a small subculture proves daunting BY TIM LEHNERT

ANARCHISM: The philosophy of a new social order based on liberty unrestricted by man-made law; the theory that all forms of government rest on violence, and are therefore wrong and harmful, as well as unnecessary.

— Emma Goldman (1917)

FOR MOST AMERICANS, "anarchy" is a dirty word. CNN periodically warns of how Iraq, Haiti, Ivory Coast, and any number of other troubled places totter "on the brink of anarchy." Anarchists, invariably violent, are the ones who disrupt gatherings of the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and World Trade Organization. Here in Rhode Island, Governor Donald L. Carcieri’s ill-fated 2004 "Act Relating to Homeland Security," which prohibited affiliation "with any organization teaching and advocating disbelief in or opposition to organized government," outlawed "advocating anarchy." Although the bill was withdrawn after condemnation from civil libertarians, it indicates the general hostility toward anarchism.

Anarchy, however, need not mean chaos, disorder, and violence. According to David Grenier, 31, an anarchist and wedding photographer in Providence, "An anarchist society would be based on freedom, equality, and mutual aid or solidarity." Alexander Zimmerman, a 30-year-old librarian at the Fox Point branch of the Providence Public Library, asserts, "Anarchy is not about no rules — it’s about no rulers. It is freedom from domination and freedom for responsibility."

This egalitarian ethos is the appeal for many anarchists. "I’ve connected over time to working in groups that are non-hierarchical and cooperative," says SueEllen Kroll, 28, a program officer with the Rhode Island Council for the Humanities. She stresses the participatory nature of organizations run on anarchist principles. Anarchy, in this sense, is not a breakdown of order, but the absence of coercive authority, whether it be public (the state and its attendant police forces, jails, and armies), or private (the incredible power of capital and transnational corporations) from dictating the terms of day-to-day life for most people.

Whether Providence is a hotbed of anarchism is open to debate, but there is definitely a vibrant local scene that finds support in a number of quarters, particularly in the arts. AS220, the downtown Providence nonprofit gallery and performance space, is run on anarchist principles. Kroll contends that Providence is more hospitable to grassroots anarchist initiatives than other places she has lived, including Denver, Boston, and Worcester, Massachusetts. She cites Providence’s small size and diverse population as key. Rhode Islanders are more likely to know their politicians and local business owners than residents of most places, and the influx of newcomers — whether students or immigrants — prevents stasis. "This recipe is ripe for a ‘do-it-yourself’ mentality," Kroll says, "and when people organize, there is a good chance, comparatively speaking, of making a difference."

Paul Buhle, a professor at Brown University and the author of numerous books on left-wing politics and social movements in the US, believes there is a greater interest in anarchism among young Americans than at any time since 1920. Buhle, who is editor (with Nicole Schulman) of the recently released Wobblies! A Graphic History (Verso, 2005), attributes this to bitter dissatisfaction with the Bush administration. Moreover, he says, "The overwhelming power of the state in our own society prompts anarchist responses."

There are a number of movements with anarchist tendencies, including eco-warriors, prisoners’ rights advocates, Wobblies, Critical Massers, international justice supporters, peace groups, and feminist and anti-racism activists, among others. Not all of these groups collaborate, or even know what the other is doing, and despite some shared beliefs, it’s unlikely you could get them in a room together. Meanwhile, anarchist and related movements are rarely mentioned, much less discussed seriously by the major news organs, in a culture where the preoccupation with "red" and "blue" states narrows the range of debate.

The very term "anarchist" can be problematic, even for those who identify as such. Beatrice McGeoch, 29, a teacher and advisor at the Met School in Providence, says that while anarchist principles and ideals influence her, she is more interested in what people are actually doing to promote social justice than if the label "anarchist" is applied to their actions. "I’ve met people who are totally irresponsible who call themselves anarchists and that pisses me off," she says.

Anarchism in its pure sense proposes a society in which each individual is a decision maker and active creator of the type of world in which he or she would like to live. A purely anarchic society would have no "government" in the way we have one now, i.e., massive state institutions staffed by bureaucrats and directed by nominally elected officials deciding on behalf of the masses. Not surprisingly, critics dismiss the practicality of such theoretical and revolutionary thinking.

Still, the utility of anarchist-inspired thinking can be seen in how the bogus arrest of local housing activist Camilo Viveiros, who was accused of assaulting then-police chief John Timoney during the Republican National Convention in Philadelphia in 2000, galvanized local activists. The Love and Resistance collective was born from this event, sparking fund-raising and letter-writing campaigns on Viveiros’s behalf that continued until he and two fellow activists were acquitted of all charges in April 2004. Organizing around Viveiros’s trial spawned the anarchist newspaper the Nor’easter, produced by McGeough, Kroll, and others, which had a nine-issue run in 2002-03. Love and Resistance also supported the work of cycling activists Critical Mass, as well as Books through Bars, Food not Bombs, and Recycle-A-Bike.

For people like Mike Araujo, 34, a stage carpenter at Trinity Repertory and committed anarcho-syndicalist, his beliefs mean, "You don’t support the state." Although adherents need to be pretty selective in their fights, he advocates opposition to laws that oppress and divide people (citing, for example, bans on gay marriage and remaining prohibitions against interracial marriage in some states).

Whether anarchism can be practiced beyond workplaces, small communes, and volunteer organizations remains open to question. The function of even a small city like Providence demands a certain amount of centralization and coordination, not to mention money. It’s hard to imagine developing interstates, post offices, and water treatment plants with an anarchist bent in mind. Some anarchists say this is precisely the point: our society is so massive, specialized, and rationalized that it’s impossible for citizens to have any real input into how things are run; they have no choice but to cede authority to the state and mega-corporations. The solution, they suggest, would be radically scaling back to small self-sufficient communities. Araujo notes how blackouts a few years back in New York City were marked by "tremendous cooperation." In citing this as a model of what an anarchist society might resemble, he adds, "To a lot of people that would be both a nightmare and a dream."

I know we’ve always been taught to rely

Upon those in authority

But you never know until you try

How things just might be

If we came together so strongly

— "Walls Come Tumbling Down" (1985), Paul Weller