The world could be his oyster (continued)

Brown’s effort resulted in the introduction of three proposals in the General Assembly. The related legislation would allow eligible individuals and small employers to buy insurance coverage through the state’s RIte Care health plan; provide catastrophic insurance to eligible employers and individuals; and elevate the insurance commissioner to a cabinet-level position, giving the position more authority to restrict premium increases and oversee insurance companies.

Although Brown’s $25,000 donation to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee seems particularly conspicuous for an aspiring officeholder, he cites it simply as a matter of supporting his party: "We — Rhode Island and the country — would be much better off with a Democratic Senate," he says. "I’m a Democrat. It would be good if at least one branch of government was Democratic."

Closer to home, Browns wins plaudits from H. Philip West Jr., executive director of Common Cause of Rhode Island, for focusing on problems with an inadequate degree of disclosure by lobbyists even before Democratic ethics controversies burst into view at the General Assembly late last year. "The point is, they’re really thinking about the problem in a way that prior secretaries of state really didn’t reach this level of thoroughness, in my experience," West says. Referring to how Brown’s office went on to crosscheck lobbyist reports against gift reports filed by legislators, West adds, "I thought that was a very creative thing. I haven’t seen that before, ever."

Brown has also submitted legislation requiring state elected officials to disclose all entities registered to lobby state government that provide them with significant sources of income — $1000 or more during a calendar year. He has proposed making such information available online, and increasing disclosure to include year-round financial reporting by lobbyists and their clients, instead of just during the legislative session. Other measures would require the reporting of any expenditure of more than $25, and of campaign contributions of $100 or more, to any state elected official. When it comes to the problems highlighted by legislative ethics controversies, Brown says, "You’ve got to be laser-focused on the real problem — the money that is exchanged between people who have interests before the state."

Brown, who traces his civic involvement to his late mother Linda’s activism in the civil rights and anti-war movements of the ’60s, tends toward idealistic pronouncements. Elaborating for example, about whether he ever thought as a youth on the East Side that he’d wind up working at the State House, he says, "I still feel like the place where I work is out in the neighborhoods, in the communities of this state."

Asked to evaluate his first year in office, Brown points to how his office, backed by $5 million in federal funds, is assembling a central registry of voters as a way to avoid voting irregularities. He also cites Civics 101, a civics education program piloted at high schools in Woonsocket and Central Falls, and support for efforts to streamline paperwork for small businesses.

The first-term secretary of state also displays a keen grasp of the exigencies of realpolitik. His predecessor, Ed Inman, was hardly helped prior to the 2002 campaign by a series of controversies, including the way in which he first defended Joseph DeLorenzo, his $84,000 chief of staff, and then fired him after revelations that DeLorenzo, a former legislative colleague from Cranston, had assembled two casino-related gatherings between the Narragansett Indians and Harrah’s Entertainment. But Brown put himself over the top by aggressively raising money — spending more than $300,000 — and assembling a crack campaign organization. Inman had the support of the Democratic establishment, but he complied with voluntary spending limits and had just one paid staffer.

Although Brown wrapped himself in the mantle of the outsider as an insurgent candidate, railing against control of the state by "a handful of political insiders," a recent $850 donation to the campaign committee of House Speaker William Murphy reflects his more recent inclusion in the State House fraternity. As a candidate, Brown cited the passage of hundreds of bills in the waning hours of legislative sessions as an area where the secretary of state could make a difference as a more zealous public advocate. Asked what he has since done to advance the issue, Brown says, "We haven’t yet really taken that on. [But] I’ve still got three years to meet all my campaign promises."

Similarly, although many on Smith Hill see Carcieri’s proposal for a commission to probe the state’s ethical climate as a partisan effort, it’s still slightly striking that Brown, asked whether he supports the concept, says, "I haven’t seen it, but I’d be very happy to look at it."

The grousing from some quarters about Brown’s ambition nonetheless reminds Phil West of how former House Speaker Joseph DeAngelis used to make similar complaints about a young state representative named Patrick Kennedy. "You position yourself early to get into an office where you can have visibility and make a difference," West says. If a public official’s values are in tune with the public interest and based on the proper motivation, "no one should scorn that."

WHEN IT COMES to the 2006 campaign, the reporters have more questions than the potential candidates have answers.

A case in point is bombastic Cranston Mayor Stephen Laffey, seen by some as a potentially formidable Republican primary challenger to Lincoln Chafee, not least because of a recent fundraiser breakfast that brought in $100,000. Asked about this recently on WPRI-TV’s Newsmakers, Laffey said, "This is the part that I don’t understand. It really shouldn’t be my fault that the ethics in the state of Rhode Island, or the work ethic, or the fundraising capability — the bar on those issues is set so low. I have standards that I’d like to meet, and I thought that it was appropriate to go out and raise money. There’s been a huge amount of support for the kinds of changes that I’ve made, and money talks. You wish you didn’t [need] money to run a campaign, but money says that you have great support, and that you can use it to get your message out."

Pressed on whether he plans to run for reelection or seek another office, Laffey said, "There is an election in Cranston this year, and I’ve told people that I need to finish the job, but I’ll make an announcement on that some time in May."

It’s very likely that Lieutenant Governor Charles Fogarty, who is prevented by terms limits from seeking reelection, and bowed out early of the 2002 Democratic gubernatorial primary, will run for governor or Senate. Fogarty, who tells the Phoenix that he’s had some preliminary discussions in Washington with the Democratic Governors Association and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, says, "Once the decision is made, we’re going to pursue it fully . . . [I’m] not going to make a decision based on what other people may or may not do."

Asked about his plans for 2006, Sheldon Whitehouse, who narrowly lost the 2002 Democratic primary to Myrth York, says, "It’s a little early for me to be talking about that. I certainly wouldn’t rule it [a run for governor or Senate] out."

Obviously, a lot can happen between now and 2006, but Carcieri’s seemingly strong hold on the governor’s office might lead some aspirants to challenge Chafee instead. The broad appeal of the liberal Republican senator might be countered to some degree by pointing to his residence in Virginia and the closely divided nature of the Senate. Still, Democrats might want to remember how the acrimonious primary between Robert Weygand and Richard Licht in 2000 made Chafee’s first Senate victory all the easier. As one wag puts it, "While primaries may be good for democracy, what the Rhode Island Democratic Party has not learned is that primaries are not good for Democrats."

Among other prospective Senate candidates, US Representative Patrick J. Kennedy is seen as being happy in the House of Representatives. Michael K. Guilfoyle, spokesman for US Representative Jim Langevin, says Langevin "is focused on his reelection bid for the US House. However, he will not rule anything out regarding his future as a public servant to the people of Rhode Island." Michael Healey, spokesman for Attorney General Patrick Lynch, says, "He is just focusing on the job at hand. He is not looking past the things that are on his plate right now."

Darrell West, a professor of political science at Brown University, says he’s heard Langevin’s name bandied about as a possible Senate candidate, "but I’d be surprised if he ran, because he’d have to give up a seat, that really is his for the next 40 years, for an uncertain shot at beating an incumbent. Although if he ran, he’d be a very strong contender, because he’s popular and people think he’s doing a good job."

West calls Matt Brown, "the person who seems most serious about running for the Senate." Even if Brown ran a good race "and came close, he would still be in good political shape for the future," the professor says. "His biggest challenge right now is just that he is not very well known across the state," largely owing to his relatively short tenure in public office.

A relative handful of political luminaries have represented Rhode Island in the US Senate over the last century. While Brown’s prospects remain an open question, it probably wouldn’t surprise those who know him if he made an audacious bid for this exclusive club.

Ian Donnis can be reached at idonnis@ phx.com.