New York

Myrth York has matured as a candidate and a person. This time around, she is willing to make the compromises necessary to become Rhode Island's first female governor

by Richard P. Morin

Like any seasoned politician who has lost an election, Democrat Myrth York may be changing her style in an effort to court new votes in her second bid to become governor of Rhode Island. The fact that a politician would change his or her appearance and political message to appeal to a wider audience is not surprising. The fact that York is, however, might be.

You see, in York's 1994 gubernatorial campaign she presented herself as a political outsider -- someone who would come into the system, right its errant ways, and put Rhode Island on the course to prosperity without resorting to the political chicanery that had plagued the state for so long. And even though York was largely unknown outside of Providence, her reformist message reverberated with a large number of voters throughout the state.

In the end, of course, this wasn't enough, as York lost to Almond by some 14,000 votes. So today, York seems to be trying to appeal to a different audience of voters by starting this campaign looking and sounding more like a traditional politician -- something she seemed almost incapable of during the last election.

Yes, some of the changes people are noticing in York are a result of deliberate political strategy. But other more subtle ones, such as the way she dresses and the fact that her family now regularly attends church, are far less calculated. Whatever the reason for the changes, though, the Myrth York who is running for governor this year is different than the one who ran in 1994.

"The biggest difference [in Myrth York] is that she's moving closer to the Democratic establishment," says Darrell West, professor of political science at Brown University. "Last election, she talked the language of an outsider. This time around, she's not doing that."

By adopting this strategy, York does run the risk of alienating or, at the very least, disappointing her base of support from 1994, West says. But as one political observer notes, "If York doesn't run a campaign that disappoints some of those who voted for her in 1994, she won't be running a winning campaign."

UNJUSTLY OR NOT, as a female candidate, York faces a different litmus test from many voters than her male counterparts. "Not only must they [female candidates] appear strong, capable leaders but they must demonstrate they are good mothers and wives," says Debbie Walsh, acting director of the Center for Women and American Politics at Rutgers University.

And in many instances, fulfilling the latter part of that equation involves a female candidate's playing up her femininity and promoting her family. This is something York seemed unwilling to do in the last election, but it may be that she has learned a few lessons from her defeat and is willing now to concentrate on these two angles to achieve some sort of Pavlovian response from voters.

Indeed, York's hair seems more styled these days, and gone are the baggy, conservative suits that characterized the no-frills former state senator in her last gubernatorial campaign. At her announcement speech in early February, York wore the type of tailored, pastel-colored suit that Hillary Clinton has made famous.

With both York and Almond battling to lay claim to the adjective "energy" in describing themselves, York also looks trimmer and healthier, especially when compared to the overweight and reserved Almond. York says this is because she began regularly exercising last year -- out of concern for her health and well-being. But one superficial change to York's image that seems slightly more calculated is her family's visibility during this campaign.

In the last gubernatorial election, York and her husband, Providence attorney David B. Green, were considered intensely private, as they were rarely seen in public with their children. For this, York was criticized for being too secluded and remote, making it difficult for some voters to get a feel for just who she was as a person.

This is changing in 1998. York seems prepared to promote her family now that her two children -- Caleb, 10, and Nyssa, 17 -- are older. "We made a conscious decision last time not to subject them to the vagaries of the campaign," she says. "But now that they are older, they can understand what is happenings and even help."

Brown's Darrell West says her family's participation in the campaign can only help York. "Having her family with her will round out her picture," he says. "It will help people identify with her as a mother and wife."

NOT ONLY HAS YORK'S public image changed from the last election to this one but so has her message. In an effort to attract more voters, York has begun campaigning with a centrist message aimed at all Rhode Islanders. She is focusing on job creation, improving schools, protecting the environment, and lowering taxes.

In the last election, York's opponents used her record on welfare reform as a state legislator and her support of choice for women and gay rights to paint her as a liberal. And even though her camp was quick to dismiss the effects of this label, it often obscured York's previous initiatives concerning insurance, job creation, and small businesses -- all issues not considered liberal or feminist.

"It [assertions that she was a left-wing liberal] couldn't have been further from the truth," says Ray Rickman, a former state legislator and a friend of York. "But I think Myrth erred when she thought people knew who she was and [as a result] didn't respond vigorously to the attacks."

Today, York's campaign advisers are pushing hard to get the liberal label removed from York. "Myrth has always been independent but willing to work with others," says Rob Horowitz, York's campaign manager. York also is avoiding such hot-button issues associated with her last campaign as welfare reform and the Providence Place mall, and her regular appearances on radio and television talk shows have encouraged voters to see York as far less liberal than portrayed by her opponents.

This also will be important in York's courting of the state's traditional Democrats, many of whom did not vote for or put their support behind the East Sider in the last gubernatorial election. Indeed, York not only needs their votes but their financial support, as Almond's war chest grows by the day, with contributions from many of the state's leading businesses and law firms.

But in toning down her message to appear more moderate to traditional Democrats, does York run the risk of alienating her base of support from the last election? David Preston, a former Democratic consultant, says he doesn't think so.

"The cold hard fact of the matter -- and Myrth's campaign staffers will never say this -- is, Where are those people going to go?" he says. "They certainly aren't going to vote for Almond, and they aren't going to support [Cool Moose candidate] Bob Healey. He's practically a libertarian."

Tony Affigne, assistant professor of political science at Providence College, also says that the new image won't hurt York much. "Some will see it as a sign of political maturity. Others will see it as a sign she has sold out," he says. "For the most part, voters like to see change in a candidate. It is a sign that they are flexible."

Still, York is more than "flexible" at the start of this campaign. She is also vague about her plans for attacking Rhode Island's major problems. And here again, this may be by political design.

By making general statements and speaking about issues that appeal to all voters (education, jobs, taxes, etc.), she not only will avoid opening herself up to political attack but will attract new support by allowing voters to read into her general themes.

"Right now, Myrth York's campaign is spending more time on the little things. They want people to feel good about Myrth York. The substantive details will come out later," says Affigne. "Hopefully, she will gain enough good will early to withstand any attacks she takes."

But York might have no choice but to unveil her plans for the state sooner than she would like. Both the media and the voters seem to be getting restless with York's lack of concrete plans, because, in many people's eyes, she has been campaigning since her defeat in 1994.

Once a reluctant politician, Myrth York seems more comfortable now with her role as a candidate for governor. Although she still has to work on giving more direct answers, she isn't as awkward in front of the media and voters as she used to be.

"Like with anything, the more you do it, the better you get at it," says York. And, ultimately, York's increasing ease with herself and with politicking may be the biggest reason for many of the changes voters see in her. Because, as York says, the core values of the last election are still there, even if they are not as much at the forefront of her campaign as some people might hope.

"Just because I don't talk about an issue doesn't mean I still don't care about it," she says.

Preston agrees that although York may appear different to voters, her intentions are the same as they were in 1994. "There are two types of politicians -- conviction politicians and ambitious politicians," he says. "Myrth is a conviction politician who is finding a way to package her convictions so she can get them across to a wider audience."

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