Patrick's world

Even with a string of self-inflicted difficulties, USRepresentative Patrick Kennedy remains a potent political force not easily dismissed

by Kathleen Hughes

A 1996 Rhode Island Monthly profile described US Representative Patrick Kennedy, then 29 years old and a state resident since he matriculated 10 years earlier at Providence College, as a "gawky man/boy with a mop of reddish/brown hair and a goofy smile. He might as well have a `kick me' sign taped to his back." The profile focused on what a unique Kennedy he was -- quiet, self-effacing, no family-trademark cheekbones, or shoulders, or arrogance -- and concluded that under all this unassuming niceness, lay a persistent young man of conviction, determined to earn his own place on the altar of his family's name

Five years later, the conclusion might be the exact inverse: that an unassuming, semi-gawky young man lies under a pile of ambition, persistence, and political talent. The degree of self-effacing niceness associated with Kennedy's public image has lately waned, largely because of his involvement in pushing a female security guard at Los Angeles International Airport; a panicked girlfriend's hailing of the Coast Guard from their rental yacht, after an alcohol-enhanced tiff; and, most recently, the reassignment of one long-time aide and friend, Tony Marcella, and the firing of another, Rick McAuliffe, who got the news via a lowly volunteer staffer.

If you read beyond the juicy headlines about these events in the Providence Journal, the Boston Globe, and elsewhere, the recent image of Kennedy is -- he himself says it best, as "the attack dog of the D-triple C" (the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the fund-raising arm of House Democrats), from 1997 until his resignation early this year. This means, as Bernard Jackvony, chairman of the Rhode Island Republic Party, says, "he's exceedingly partisan." Being chairman of the DCCC, with its requisite six-figure fund-raisers across the country, with Beltway big-wigs and Hollywood celebrities, also meant, of course, that Kennedy's constituents back home might read about their congressman, but they saw little of him.

Kennedy has shown some poise and humor about the airport and boating incidents. Clad in a sailor's outfit and accompanied by two bikini-clad babes, he gamely poked fun at himself during the Providence Newspaper Guild Follies in February, singing about his misadventures before an audience of more than 1000. The congressman does, however, have an image problem at the moment, as indicated by the recent slip in his approval ratings over one year, from 63 percent to 49 percent, as measured in a Brown University poll.

Given his high-profile absence and personal follies, many say the low numbers are no surprise, even though as far as job performance goes, Kennedy could hardly be doing better, considering his new seat on the House Appropriations Committee, which will surely bring some bacon home to the state. Still, numerous media accounts in the last month have questioned what's going on with Kennedy and how serious it is. These stories -- especially that of the Washington, DC

political newsletter, Roll Call, which quotes an anonymous "Rhode Island political insider" as saying, "What's developed in the last couple of years is a core of people that despises the guy" -- further increase the focus, bringing many to wonder what people honestly think of him.

Of course, given the subject, the crown prince of the Kennedys and the titular head of the Rhode Island Democrats, very few people are willing to bash him, even privately. But according to more than a dozen Rhode Island politicians and political observers, three things seem clear. First, Kennedy is nearly unbeatable given his name and his power, not to mention his campaign cash. It would take someone like Governor Lincoln Almond to challenge him, most say. And although Almond is officially ruling nothing out (which, for the understated governor, Jackvony asserts, is more positive than neutral), most observers find the idea of 66-year-old Almond, who likes his weekends and isn't likely to settle for junior congressman, to be "hysterical," as WPRO-AM talk show host Steve Kass puts it. Adds Maureen Moakley, a University of Rhode Island political scientist, "I think the Republicans are gleefully tweaking Kennedy and the Democrats."

Second, there seems to be consensus that while Kennedy may be suffering in the polls -- the numbers are a "shot across the bow," says the congressman's biographer, Darrell West of Brown University, who conducted the survey, this is easily remedied by offering more face time in Rhode Island and changing his focus from fund-raising to legislating. Says Moakley, "He has to look at policy. He has to project an image of gravitas and maturity . . . and if he can make a timely correction, I think time, money, and celebrity are still on his side."

Finally, observations about the recent staff shake-up make it clear that Kennedy indeed has his enemies and that, despite his onetime "aw shucks" manner, he is a take-no-prisoners politician with a thick base of support. This shouldn't be any surprise given his prominence in the House of Representatives, where he was the fifth most powerful member as DCCC chairman, and is now "in the top 10 percent," says West, as a member of the Appropriations Committee.

Given such power, observers like former congressman Bob Weygand seem to believe that negative comments are either reckless, irrelevant or both. "Who really cares if it's a small group of core Democrats that hates Kennedy," says Weygand, whose long-established mutual disaffection with Kennedy might make him the most likely candidate for vituperative comments. "It's the people he represents -- the voters -- that matter."

Kass agrees. "If it's a few good old boys, worth a few bucks, [who hate Kennedy], who cares?" he says. "People may look down their noses and say he's not ready for the prime-time, but the fact is, he's already there."

DESPITE A VARIETY of quibbles, some personal, some political, most insiders and inside observers agree without reservation that Kennedy is an effective and forceful politician, raising three times as much money as any previous DCCC chair, and winning a coveted and potent Appropriations Committee seat as a reward. "That seat going from nearly the biggest state [California] to the smallest state doesn't happen in a vacuum," Kennedy says. "The leaders got away with putting me on that committee not because I'm a Kennedy, but because I worked and they said, `Hey -- give this guy his due.' " Now, the congressman says, he doesn't have to ask other people to fund projects his Rhode Island constituents support and need. "I think people back home will appreciate it, if they don't already," Kennedy says.

For insiders, though, recognition and appreciation don't always go hand-in-hand, and comments about the congressman's powerful profile sometimes sound like resentful appreciation of a neighbor's expensive new sports car. Such resentment, however, seems as much about personal agendas, egos, and a sense of the 33-year-old congressman getting too big for his proverbial britches, as any true error or offense. Consider a few recent situations that left some Rhode Island politicos feeling snubbed.

For starters, at Kennedy's summer 2000 Barrington birthday bash, which raised $500,000, hosted by construction magnate William Gilbane and attended by President Clinton and First Lady Hillary Clinton, there was a perceived lack of invites for faithful Democratic party supporters and/or a brash "put up or shut up" treatment for contributors. Bill Lynch, the chairman of the Rhode Island Democratic Party, denies hearing any such complaints about the Gilbane party, yet notes, "Invariably, every time we have that kind of event, we end up antagonizing good party people simply because you can't accommodate everyone . . . But to blame Patrick for that? Ludicrous!"

A second instance occurred when the central committee of the state Democrats met to hand down endorsements before primary elections last year. Everyone from Senator Jack Reed on down managed to show up. Kennedy, however, arrived via closed circuit cable, which was thought by some to be self-important and disrespectful. Again, Lynch says he heard no such displeasure.

Besides the congressman's virtual presence that evening, some insiders took umbrage at his endorsing former lieutenant governor Richard Licht in the primary race against Weygand, despite Weygand's superior chances in the Senate election in November against Republican Lincoln Chafee. That Kennedy ceded good political strategy to his personal dislike for Weygand, a few say, was arrogant and selfish. But Lynch takes issue, insisting that Licht was endorsed by a vote of the central committee and the party's board of trustees, not just by Kennedy. "For anybody to say that Patrick controls the state committee and who it endorses . . . is ignorant," Lynch adds.

The recent staff shake-ups are seen by some as yet another example of the congressman's arrogance. McAuliffe was reputedly as loyal as they come. Marcella -- who was described in West's biography as "Kennedy's close friend and alter ego" -- is said to be on his way out, too, albeit more quietly and gently than McAuliffe, with a campaign reassignment cum severance package. Marcella says he's in the process of opening a consulting and lobbying firm with a few other prominent Rhode Island Democrats. "It's something I've always wanted to do and now [with Kennedy on the Appropriations Committee] is a good time to do it," he says.

Although Berman and Kennedy assert that ties were cut with McAuliffe in a manner befitting any CEO, it's reasonable to wonder why the aide's resignation wasn't encouraged, or why Kennedy didn't deliver the news himself. "I think Rick did a good job," says Marcella. "He's a close personal friend and we're considering going into business together. He had problems, as did everybody, with the way he was relieved of his duties. Everyone, including the congressman, realizes it was the wrong way to do it . . . But they'll be friends for a long time." McAuliffe couldn't be reached for comment.

These weren't the only recent staff changes. In February 2000, Bill Burke, Kennedy's legislative director and former chief of staff, quietly left to join the Washington Group lobbying firm. Quips Lynch, "I don't ever remember staff changes being such a news item."

THERE'S ABOUT 30 percent of the vote that Kennedy can't crack, according to Larry Berman, his Pawtucket-based spokesman. Half of this is due to registered Republicans. The remaining half is due to registered independents and/or avowed Kennedy haters. As Democratic political consultant Guy Dufault points out, "Kennedys overall have a high level or resentment -- people either love them or hate them." East Greenwich resident Jerry Zarella, a former talk show host and long-time Democratic supporter who hosted President Clinton at his Block Island home in 1998, compares hating the Kennedys to hating the Yankees, noting, "There's a certain amount of people who love to bash them." Zarella also describes advice that Howie Carr, the Boston Herald columnist and radio host, once gave him about talk show tedium: "If you want to light up the airwaves, talk about fat women, airplanes, or a Kennedy."

But one wonders: is there specific resentment for Patrick, or does he suffer communally with his father and cousins. According to WHJJ-AM talk show host John DePetro, last year's personal mishaps made Patrick distinct even among Kennedys. Voters forgave former President Clinton's extra-marital dalliances (and Senator Ted Kennedy's excessive lifestyle, including Chappaquiddick) because, DePetro says, they could relate somewhat, for better or for worse. The problem with Patrick's ditched yacht and shoving of an airport security guard, DePetro says, is that his base of working-class or senior citizen supporters in Woonsocket or Bristol can't relate, and thus don't forgive so easily -- as the polls prove. "Older people view him as someone they don't want their daughters to date," DePetro says. "He has managed to tarnish their pride" in his being a Kennedy.

At the same time, Kennedy has a little something in common with our current Republican president in that he's not hyper-articulate. His responses are halting, and he tends to lurch from clause to clause. It's best not to quote entire sentences because they're like a remarkable salad bar, offering a little bit of everything. And yet he's nothing like President Bush, so far as common perception of the president goes anyway, as Kennedy is desperate to say lots of things on lots of issues, uncoached, because he's passionate and knowledgeable about many subjects. Bush often seems a deer in headlights; Kennedy is more reminiscent of a scrappy, if sloppy, pugilist.

In two interviews last week, one on gun control -- a subject about which he appears to cares deeply -- and one for this article, Kennedy called back numerous times, since his cell phone was breaking up, or he wanted to add something, because, it seemed, he wanted to get it right. This same doggedness made him a great fund-raiser, and certainly, he's readily accessible since his new kick is Rhode Islander accessibility. This bodes well for restoring his perceived affability and regaining voter's affection and confidence. As for the issues themselves, he rambled capably through a range of subjects, including Native American sovereignty, the assault weapons ban, equal pay, Latin American pension funds, and welfare reform.

No one disputes that Kennedy's made a few hapless mistakes that presently loom large. But no one doubts, either, that he'll have much trouble recovering. Few voters are going to know or care if their congressman is a jerk so long as he does a good job representing them and behaves relatively well. Kennedy is certainly poised to do the former. It's his ability to avoid the miscues of the last year that remains in question.

Kathleen Hughes can be reached at khughes[a]phx.com.