After the nastiness of the 2002 campaign season, television might seem like an
unlikely place to look for political reform. But it's precisely because of the
cost and prevalence of campaign commercials and the tube's primary place in our
popular culture that campaign-reform advocates see television as the perfect
place to enact change.
The Alliance for Better Campaigns (ABC), a Washington, DC-based nonpartisan
group that advocates for political campaigns that inform voters and increase
their participation in the political process, is pushing a proposal that would
force broadcasters to offer free air time to political candidates before
elections -- in addition to increasing political coverage overall. Proponents
say the idea is the next frontier in campaign-finance reform.
The concept is hardly radical. The honorary co-chairs of the four-year-old
alliance are Jimmy Carter, Gerald Ford, and Walter Cronkite. A monograph
outlining the group's proposal includes expressions of philosophical support
from a range of political and business leaders. (Though there is some
unintended irony in including this quote from Bill Clinton: "Candidates should
be able to talk to voters based on the strength of their ideas, not the size of
their pocketbooks." Until George W. Bush surpassed him this election season,
Clinton held the distinction of being the politician who'd raised the most
political donations in one night.) Publications ranging from the Economist
and New York Times to the San Diego Union-Tribune and
Memphis Commercial Appeal have given the idea their stamp of approval.
And Arizona senator John McCain, who has co-sponsored legislation that would
mandate free air time for candidates, notes that television and radio, unlike
the print media, use public assets -- the broadcast airwaves -- to function.
"When they get a license, they sign a piece of paper that says they will act in
the `public interest,'" McCain said in 1999. "It seems to me that the public
interest is clearly that they should . . . provide free television time for
candidates."
On its face, the idea seems pretty reasonable. Nearly every democracy in the
world has some kind of mandate for free television time during campaigns.
Broadcasters can afford it: profit margins of 30 percent, 40 percent, and even
50 percent are common in broadcasting, according to Paul Taylor, the former
Washington Post reporter who serves as president of the Alliance for
Better Campaigns. And, since the Communications Act of 1934 was enacted,
broadcasters' free and exclusive use of the airwaves has also been conditioned
on their agreement to function as public trustees.
ABC's free-air proposal (spelled out on the group's Web site,
www.bettercampaigns.org) would require all radio and television licensees to
air a minimum of two hours of weekly candidate discussion, at least half during
prime time or drive time, in the month before an election. It would also set up
a voucher system in which general-election candidates for US House and Senate
who had raised a threshold amount of contributions in small donations would
receive direct grants good for campaign commercials. In addition, each of the
two major political parties would receive large block grants of broadcast
vouchers for use by the parties or individual candidates in different markets.
Minor parties that reached qualifying thresholds would receive smaller blocks
of broadcast vouchers. The voucher system would be financed by a spectrum-usage
fee equal to 0.5 percent of the gross annual revenue of the nation's
broadcasters, an amount estimated at $640 million in 2000. (The McCain bill
calls for the fee not to exceed one percent of broadcast-license holders' gross
annual revenue.)
A quick look at what just happened -- campaign-wise -- shows how such a system
could improve political runs for office. Candidates, political parties, and
interest groups poured an unprecedented $1 billion into political advertising
this year, more than four times the amount spent in 1980, according to the
Alliance for Better Campaigns. And thanks to the closely contested
gubernatorial race in Rhode Island -- as well as the hard-fought Democratic
primary for mayor of Providence, the First Congressional District clash between
Patrick Kennedy and David Rogers, and unexpectedly high spending by US Senator
Jack Reed -- the greater Providence television market sold 15,450 commercials,
for a combined $6.6 million jackpot. (The sum pales, of course, in comparison
to larger and more costly media markets; the greater Boston market sold 41,154
political commercials, the most in the nation, for a total of $37 million.)
It's bad enough that the cost of television advertising precludes candidates
who aren't rich or well-financed from running competitive campaigns (ABC
estimates that $250,000 is the entry threshold for effective challengers for
seats in the US House of Representatives). But even as some broadcasters
exploit the money to be made during a heated campaign (a Brigham University
study of 17 competitive congressional races in 2000 found that the average cost
of a 30-second political commercial tripled from the end of August through the
end of October that year), we continue to see a reduction in meaningful
political coverage. Voters tuning in to local news around the US, for example,
were over four times more likely to see political ads than nonpartisan news
stories this year, according to the Norman Lear Center at the University of
Southern California's Annenberg School for Communication. And the Project for
Excellence in Journalism, an affiliate of Columbia University's Graduate School
of Journalism, recently found that rather than rising to the challenge of
helping to explain the post-September 11 world, "local TV news continues
instead to be a surrogate rubbernecker, taking us to crime scenes, murder
trials, and traffic accidents, where we can do little but gawk."
The question now is whether mandated free air time will ever come to pass. And
if it does, whether it will work.
IT'S HARDLY a surprise that the notion of providing mandatory free air time is
anathema to the broadcasting industry. Media observers give the concept little
hope of moving forward. "I would say that calling it an uphill battle is a vast
understatement," says Alex S. Jones, director of the Joan Shorenstein Center on
the Press, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard University's Kennedy School of
Government. "Campaign advertising is one of the most profitable aspects of
being in the business of television, and I think they [broadcasters] will go to
great lengths to protect that turf, always on the basis of free speech. In this
case, it just so happens that free speech lines their pockets. I would give it
[the free-air-time proposal] virtually no chance whatsoever."
Indeed, judging by the way Congress was convinced to double television-license
holders' existing allotment of broadcast spectrum in 1996 -- a
multi-billion-dollar giveaway to aid the move toward digital technology -- the
industry seems to get what it wants. Take, for example, a 1998 free-air-time
proposal from the Clinton White House. The Clinton administration made it clear
that it wanted a 22-member advisory panel formed to update the public-interest
obligations of broadcasters in the digital age to devise a free-air-time plan.
What the panel came up with was a much-watered-down version of ABC's proposal:
a recommendation that television stations air at least five minutes a night of
candidate-centered discourse in the month before elections. Aside from a small
number of exceptions, however, the nation's 1300 television stations ignored
the recommendation, and the typical station aired just 45 seconds a night of
candidate-centered discourse in the run-up to the 2000 election, according to a
Lear Center study.
The National Association of Broadcasters (NAB), which represents broadcasters
before Congress, federal agencies, and the courts, not only insists that
television already does its part to inform voters about the issues, but it
rejects assertions that the public owns the airwaves. "The bottom line is that
while the government may be justified in its power to allocate spectrum,
someone else must provide the money, technology, and expertise to make the
spectrum valuable," NAB contends in a position paper on its Web site, www.nab.org. "Broadcasters have paid for the spectrum they use through billions of
dollars in resources to develop the free, over-the-air broadcasting service to
the American public."
It also maintains that viewers don't even want improvements in how television
covers campaigns. The NAB recently rolled out a survey of 799 registered
voters, which found that 71 percent of respondents opposed government-mandated
air time for candidates. Even worse, 43 percent of respondents believe local
broadcasters are offering "too much time" in covering elections and 40 percent
think the current coverage is "about the right amount." Says NAB president
Edward O. Fritts, "We encourage local stations to freely provide comprehensive
coverage, and this poll demonstrates that voters believe broadcasters are doing
just that."
Beyond that, the broadcasting industry contends that such a requirement would
violate its First Amendment right to free speech and Fifth Amendment protection
against governmental "taking" of its property without just compensation. The
Alliance for Better Campaigns, however, cites other precedents, particularly a
1969 case in which the Supreme Court ruled that it is "the right of the viewers
and listeners, not the right of the broadcasters, which is paramount," when
their respective First Amendment rights come into conflict. Regardless, the
legal issue seems unlikely to come to a head anytime soon. The next battlefield
is the Senate, where Senators McCain, Russell Feingold, and Richard Durbin plan
to reintroduce next year the free-air-time proposal that they first unveiled in
October.
Opponents also say the proposal would make things worse by increasing the
number of political ads through the voucher system, and even some of those
sympathetic to the concept consider it flawed. Without a doubt, there are
candidates who prefer to communicate in the conventional 30-second commercials,
rather than in longer "free air" segments. "Free air time is something you
cannot give away, because the candidates don't want it," asserts Emily Rooney,
the host of WGBH-TV's Greater Boston and a former director of political
coverage for the Fox News Channel, citing how Clinton himself and former
senator Bob Dole rejected Fox's offer of free air time during the 1996
presidential campaign.
However, one of the clear benefits of the free-air-time proposal is that it
would boost those candidates who would otherwise struggle to raise money and be
heard by the broadcast audience. Free air time wouldn't create a level playing
field, but it could help make political races more competitive.
TELEVISION KEPT politics in the forefront of American public life through the
late 1970s, but as explained by ABC's Taylor, a number of factors have changed
the situation since then. Campaigns lost their novelty appeal as television
events. Chunks of the broadcast audience moved to cable and the Internet. The
appeal of politics has suffered, in part, because of the rise of a commercial
culture more consumed by money and entertainment than the business of
government.
Yet rather than resisting these forces, Taylor says, broadcasters have given
in to them and made the vicious cycle stronger by doing so. The networks, for
example, have ceded their primacy in political coverage to cable news networks
like CNN, MSNBC, and the Fox News Channel. That said, while ABC, NBC, and CBS
are still losing viewers, their combined audience of 30 million dwarfs
viewership for the cable news networks -- CNN's prime-time audience is a little
more than one million.
Still, even though more information is available through a greater variety of
sources, relatively few people take advantage of it. Take the 2000 presidential
campaign. Polls taken by the Vanishing Voter Project at Harvard University's
Kennedy School of Government two days before the election found that more than
50 percent of respondents couldn't answer simple questions about Bush's stance
on gun control, abortion, and taxes, or Gore's position on Social Security,
school vouchers, and affirmative action.
Rooney and some other observers remain untroubled by the failure of many
voters to inform themselves. "People are going to seek their own level of
entertainment, and I wish more people would watch my show than Seinfeld
reruns, but they don't," Rooney says. "As long as the informed people are
voting, I'm fine, and I certainly don't blame the broadcasters for this."
Yet Thomas E. Patterson, co-director of the Vanishing Voter Project at
Harvard's Kennedy School and the author of The Vanishing Voter: Public
Involvement in an Age of Uncertainty (Alfred A. Knopf, 2002), faults
broadcasters for surrendering their professional responsibility by cutting
political coverage -- other than that of scandals -- through the '90s. "I think
they were driven almost entirely by the marketplace, by commercial
considerations, and didn't give much of a damn about professional
responsibility and public-service obligations," Patterson says. "They can kind
of blame it on the audience and on the politicians, but in fact the root change
was . . . profit-seeking."
A five-year study of local television by the Project for Excellence in
Journalism recently found that quality -- signified by such things as
enterprise reporting, airing longer stories, and better sourcing of stories --
is the most likely path to commercial success for local broadcasters. The
perception nonetheless remains widespread among even some broadcast veterans --
not to mention among the consultants who help stations to formulate coverage --
that political coverage is a ratings loser. In the scant 12-to-14-minute news
quota of a typical half-hour broadcast, other topics get higher priority, with
the exception of election-night coverage, debates, and selected sporadic
instances.
"If we had five minutes of politics at six o'clock consistently for one year,
our ratings would plummet and we'd go out of business," says a Providence TV
reporter, who asked to not be identified. "A lot of people think this is
boring. It wouldn't take too long before they're going to stop flipping on at
six o'clock. People just aren't that interested, and there's no way we can make
them interested."
It's possible, though, that some consultants and broadcasters have drawn
simplistic conclusions after quizzing viewers on a laundry list of topics.
"When you say coverage of politics and government, look out," notes Jim
Thistle, director of broadcast education at Boston University and a former TV
executive. "[But] a lot of it depends on how you ask the question. If you say
coverage of how the government is spending your money, you may get a higher
response."
Obviously, the challenge of reinvigorating our political life extends well
beyond journalism. Even though negative advertising has the long-term effect of
discouraging political participation, Patterson cites as a larger factor
generational change and the coming of age of young people, who, "according to
Gallup, are the least interested, least informed, at least in the history of
recorded polling. They grew up at a time where there was no great national
cause to draw them into the arena. What they did see in the arena was a lot of
scandal."
Taylor notes that political campaigns are inherently important since they can
have a direct bearing on the things -- health, wealth, security, environment,
education, and so on -- that people care about. The dramatic elements of
character and plot make campaigns compelling, and the audience gets to choose
the ending. "Yet somehow when all of these elements are tossed into the
broadcast-media blender, the whole concoction comes out as 'ratings poison,'"
Taylor notes in outlining the Alliance for Better Campaign's pitch for free air
time. "This is not merely a failure of politics; it is also a failure of
journalism."
IT'S HARDLY coincidental that ABC's monograph features an epigram from James
Madison, who warned, "Popular government without popular information, or the
means of acquiring it, is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or perhaps
both. Knowledge will forever govern ignorance, and a people who mean to be
their own governors must arm themselves with the power which knowledge
brings."
ABC is doing its part to spread knowledge by running a classic grassroots
campaign to garner public support for the free-air-time proposal. It's formed a
national coalition with more than 50 groups, including the AFL-CIO, AARP,
NAACP, and chapters of Common Cause and the League of Women Voters. The
alliance's Web site cites 10 steps that supporters can take, from simply
talking up free air time in their community to e-mailing
five friends the link to an interactive computer game in which a hapless
candidate frantically chases campaign contributions before being gobbled up by
a sharp-toothed television set (check it out at greedytv.org). And Taylor is
barnstorming around the country pushing ABC's proposal; on November 21, he
stopped at St. John's Church in Barrington to address an audience of about 60
people, including such interested observers as Mike Guilfoyle, communications
director for USRepresentative James Langevin, and Andy Galli, who served as
campaign coordinator for outgoing Secretary of State Edward S. Inman III. "You
have a status quo of incumbent members of Congress winning 98 percent of the
time," Taylor noted, prior to the Rhode Island appearance. "I think the answer
is, this system is broken. The public knows it's broken, elected officials know
it's broken. Sooner or later, this too will be fixed. It takes time to make the
case. That's what we're doing now -- we're making the case."
In the meantime, for all the grousing heard about the recent campaign season,
local television coverage compares favorably with many -- perhaps most -- media
markets around the country. The commercial-free, hour-long gubernatorial and
congressional debates aired by WJAR-TV (Channel 10), as well as the kind of
insight offered by such experienced reporters as Jim Hummel, Jim Taricani, and
Jack White, shows that, at least in Rhode Island in 2002, the public interest
was relatively well-served. WJAR's general manager, Lisa Churchville, says the
station carried more than 42 hours of political discussion, including debates
and forums, during the campaign season. "If you want to look over what occurred
this year, local politics has gotten an incredibly high percentage of our
time," she says, pointing to coverage of the trial of former Providence mayor
Vincent A. "Buddy" Cianci Jr. and the downfall of House Speaker John B.
Harwood. "I would say politics is our professional sport, if you will. It is
very compelling. It's got a real vibrancy."
Indeed, the willingness of TV executives like Churchville and Kingsley Kelley
of WLNE (Channel 6) to come to Common Cause's Barrington forum last month is
another positive indicator (Jay Howell of WPRI (Channel 12) was precluded from
attending by a conflict in his schedule). "I really want to credit their making
an effort to do better," says H. Philip West Jr., executive director of Common
Cause of Rhode Island. By contrast, broadcast execs in many other states have
been unwilling to even publicly debate the concept of free air time.
Still, even in Providence, the trend has been away from day-to-day televised
coverage of politics and government, West says, and the conventions of
commercial broadcasting -- in which a lengthy story runs a little over a minute
-- clearly aren't suited to conveying a deep understanding of the issues.
The present system works well enough for those -- like Myrth York and Don
Carcieri -- who are willing and able to throw heaps of money at television
advertising. But in a nation where television remains the dominant source of
information for most people, it's hardly a surprise that meaningful political
discussion, even with increased local broadcast coverage, can be drowned out by
negative campaign commercials and other programming. Indeed, a Common Cause
review of 74 evening news broadcasts between July 18 and November 6 shows that
the number of paid political ads (761) dwarfed the number of campaign-related
stories (107).
Broadcasters like Churchville (who questions the methodology of the Common
Cause study and estimates that WJAR offered 12 minutes a weekday of political
coverage prior to Election Day) describe mandatory free air time as a threat to
a free press. But state Representative Tony Pires (D-Pawtucket), who lagged
behind York and Sheldon Whitehouse in the Democratic gubernatorial primary --
no doubt because he had far less in campaign funds than the two
"mega-millionaires" -- says the reliance of candidates on television
advertising is distorting democracy. Even for a successful businessman and a
16-year legislator like himself, "You do not have any name recognition for the
most part and you really have to build this from the base." Meanwhile, as Pires
noted at the Common Cause forum in Barrington, "The media constantly looks to
that issue of [campaign] resources [in ordaining the most competitive
candidates].
The problem extends beyond election coverage, critics note, to the way that
sensational stories and the weather get daily emphasis on television, and
pressing issues -- like growing economic disparities, housing and health-care
crises, and the roots of foreign conflicts -- get little attention, if any.
"We don't want to be dogmatic," says West. "We are simply saying this is a
national problem. They [broadcasters] are under enormous pressure from their
owners to deliver profitability and to get ratings, so this is a real
conundrum. Our hope is that, as we try to thrust the issue into a more public
forum, the public will recognize that they have a voice. The citizens at large
tend to have a voice only so far as the Nielsen ratings judge if they're
watching a particular network. The way the commercial networks typically do it
is to dumb down their message and aim for the lowest common denominator. What
we're saying is that they can and must do better, because the issue for them
may be profits, but the issue is also the need for an informed electorate to
keep our democracy vibrant."
Certainly, the outlook isn't made any brighter by the Republican victories on
Election Day and Michael Powell's deregulatory leadership of the Federal
Communications Commission. Then again, those who believe that the status quo is
good enough are the ones with the most to lose.
Ian Donnis can be reached idonnis[a]phx.com.
Issue Date: December 13 - 19, 2002