The two images appeared within hours of each other on television. First there
was Pope John Paul II, frail and ill, trembling with Parkinson's disease
as he slowly made his way down the steep steps of his airplane, which had just
landed in Toronto for the Roman Catholic Church's World Youth Day -- a
celebration he inaugurated in the mid 1980s that he almost always attends. In
shocking contrast, viewers were then treated to clips of Rowan Williams, the
newly appointed Archbishop of Canterbury. With shaggy white hair and a slightly
unkempt beard, he looks, at 52, like an aging hippie, despite his neat black
suit and clerical collar. Indeed, he refers to himself as an old "peacenik" and
is not afraid to voice extraordinarily liberal views on everything from
homosexuality to the Bush administration's apparent plans to bomb Iraq.
But the differences between these two religious leaders do not simply come
under the headings of conservative and liberal, old and young, Roman Catholic
and Anglican. Rather, their contrasts point in two opposite directions: the
past and the future. The enormous chasm between them -- unmistakable not only
in their physical presences, but also in their views of the world -- may very
well capture a unique historical moment: the twilight of the political and
moral importance of the modern papacy, shadowed by the rise of a new, vibrant,
and more compelling voice of Christian moral counsel for our times.
AS THE PONTIFICATE of John Paul II draws to a close, it is becoming
increasingly clear that this pope -- despite his extensive world travel, his
shrewd use of new communications technologies, and his penchant for speaking
out boldly on certain issues -- is presiding over the waning years of the Roman
Catholic Church's influence and power. It isn't his fault -- although, God
knows, he hasn't helped the situation much -- for the power of the Vatican has
been in serious decline at least since the second half of the 19th century. At
that time, when faced with democracy and a new wave of learning and scientific
discovery, the papacy executed a frenzied retreat from modernity, what you
might call a Counter Enlightenment. And John Paul II has continued in that
tradition.
Under the guidance of Pope Pius IX (1846-'78) -- who was "emotionally
unstable" and "evinced the symptoms of a psychopath, according to Catholic
theologian and historian Hans Kung -- the Vatican became increasingly insular
and reactionary. Democracy was viewed with deep suspicion, and freedom of
religion was outright condemned. More and more books -- by Hugo, Dumas, Zola,
Flaubert -- were added to the Index Librorum Prohibitorum, the
list of books Catholics were forbidden to read. When moderate and liberal
clergy complained about dubious theological and political statements made by
Pius IX, the pope cleverly pushed through the Doctrine of Papal
Infallibility at a time when a recently convened Vatican Council was
half-empty. As though mocking this show of arrogance, two months later the
Risorgimento (unification of Italy) brought an end to the Papal States, and
thus to the pope's temporal power base. None of these rapid changes stopped the
papacy from retreating, turtle-like, into its own increasingly empty shell. The
Church's moral authority reached a breaking point -- active, dire, and
irreversible -- when Pope Pius XII (1939-'58) failed to speak out clearly
against the Holocaust.
Since 1945, the Vatican has made one serious misstep after another. It has been
consistently hostile to almost all forms of contemporary modern art and
culture. In 1968, Pope Paul VI capitulated to the Church's right wing when
he reaffirmed (against enormous pressure from many theologians) the stand
against birth control. The Vatican has blocked research in its archives on the
Church's actions during the Holocaust, and it has dangerously, and
disingenuously, backtracked in its well-publicized renouncement of its
anti-Semitic history. The list goes on.
As a result, the papacy no longer exerts the moral or temporal leadership it
did only 50 years ago. Sure, the Vatican has done some serious spin control.
One of the most widely accepted PR jobs is that the current pope was
instrumental to the fall of Communism and Soviet Russia. But this is a false
claim. By the mid 1980s, Communism was in such a state of semi-collapse that
its demise was inevitable; since he was elected only in 1978, John Paul II
had little time to affect events one way or the other. No, the fact is that the
Roman Catholic Church has simply lost ground -- not least because of the
Vatican's intransigent pig-headedness. Evangelical Protestantism, for example,
is wildly spreading throughout Latin America -- historically one of the
Church's strongholds -- at least in part because of John Paul II's
hostility to the economic changes promoted by liberation theologians popular
among Catholics in that region. Most Latin-American Catholics also reject the
Church's stand on birth control and, increasingly, abortion as well. Since the
pope has not wavered from his conservative stands against homosexual behavior,
gay rights, birth control, abortion, divorce, and pre-marital sex, he has
simply lost these battles all over the world. Hardly anyone listens to him or
obeys the Church's teachings anymore -- not even those who consider themselves
Catholics in good faith.
The pope and the Roman Catholic Church simply are not up to the challenge of
moral leadership in an increasingly complex and complicated world. One need
look no further than Rome's statements on the current clergy sex-abuse
scandals. After avoiding the issue as long as it could, the Vatican called the
US bishops to Rome for what turned out to be a quick PR job. It then issued a
press statement pitting canon law against US civil law -- clearly a sign of
Vatican officials' complete unwillingness to grapple seriously with the modern
world.
Finally, at World Youth Day, the pope -- after simply ignoring an issue that,
to say the least, had great implications for his young audience -- made the
following earth-shattering statement: that the scandals brought sadness to the
Church and that people should not forget how many good priests there are. Sure,
the crowds in Toronto went wild for the pope, showering him with cheers and
tears. But as the New York Times noted in its headline of the story, FOR
MANY, POPE'S FRAILTIES NOW DEFINE PAPACY. And let's face it, being defined by
one's frailties in show business, politics, or even religion might get
sympathy, but it is no way to move into the future.
Of course, Pope John Paul II never had any intention of moving into the
future; rather, he has done everything in his power to continue the Counter
Enlightenment launched by Pope Pius IX. Not surprisingly, his pontificate
has done much to counteract the spirit, and sometimes the letter, of
Vatican II's liberal reforms. He has refused to allow open discussion of
theology or to foster debate on issues of ethics and morality, and he has
consistently threatened any Catholic theologian who has dared voice a
dissenting opinion. As a result, the Roman Catholic Church has abdicated its
responsibility to speak knowledgably on a huge range of contemporary topics,
including new reproductive technologies, cloning, embryology, and birth
control, as well as a myriad of other complex issues. But hey, that's no big
surprise: the Church is so profoundly clueless about feminism that it still
insists -- and expects its argument to be taken seriously -- that women can't
become priests because Jesus and the apostles were men.
None of this means that the papacy will completely fall apart, or that the
Roman Catholic Church will come to an end, or that people will stop being
Catholic or lose their deeply felt faith. Nor does it mean that all the
Church's basic beliefs are wrong. Indeed, its positions on war, the death
penalty, social welfare, caring for the economically disadvantaged, and
treating the poor with basic respect highlight the intense inhumanity of most
of the policies of the Bush administration. But it does mean that to a very
large degree, the papacy has lost its premier moral standing in the world.
IT IS IN THIS context that the appointment of Rowan Williams as the Archbishop
of Canterbury emerges as one of the major religious events of the last century.
It is not just that Williams is a younger man with impeccable academic and
theological credentials -- he speaks six languages, has written 14 books, and
has taught at Oxford and Cambridge -- who espouses a liberal theology; he is
already on his way to becoming a media darling, noted for his ability to take
on tough issues with a light touch. Almost all media reports about him have
noted with delight how he attacked the Disney corporation for corrupting
children by turning them into consumers and sexualizing kids' culture. And his
statement that The Simpsons is "one of the most subtle pieces of
propaganda around in the cause of sense, humility, and virtue" will no doubt
increase his likeability and media friendliness. Even on theological matters he
has a light hand. After being challenged by Anglican conservatives for his
ordination of a gay man in a committed, presumably sexual, relationship, he
stated that he didn't make it a practice to go looking in people's bedroom
windows.
Above all, he is unafraid of making clear moral and theological statements
about world affairs. He has condemned the American-led bombing of Afghanistan
as "morally tainted," speaking out clearly in an interview published in the
Melbourne Anglican Home last month: "I'm still rather unhappy that we
did the obvious thing. We reached for the first weapons at hand, and I think
it's yet to be seen whether this has really changed the situation we are
in. . . . The problem of the last few months has been, I think,
that because of the enormity of the horror and the great evil of the act of
September 11th, people have said, `Well, that absolves us in the West from
doing any self-questioning, because they over there are clearly so wicked that
we don't have to do any questioning, and if we question ourselves, then somehow
that is equivalent of saying they are all right.' That is absolute nonsense,
and really, really dangerous nonsense."
It is easy, as the pope has done, to condemn the September 11 attacks and call
for world peace -- even Miss America does that. What makes Williams's statement
unique is that he puts the very act of "questioning" on a theological basis.
His is not a popular position in America -- most people, if you believe the
polls, probably would not agree with him; patriotism, in its current guise, is
not supposed to come up for "questioning." But for an influential theologian,
it is a bold and important assertion. The idea that "questioning" might be a
virtue -- or, even more important, a moral imperative -- is exactly what we
need as we face the mounting horrors of our contemporary world. And questioning
is exactly what Pope John Paul -- in keeping with the papacy of the past
century -- has resisted.
Even on a smaller scale, Williams speaks soundly and forthrightly in the
tradition of Christian humanism: "I think in various ways we are encouraged
culturally and politically to underrate the humanity of those who are on the
edges in terms of world politics," he told his Melbourne interviewer. "You do
hear people saying, `Well, you can write off the continent of Africa in the
next half century.' In local terms people will say, `Well, we can't cope with
that category,' whether it is the long-term unemployed or the asylum-seekers or
whatever, and we just do not allow ourselves to imagine that human reality. Now
I don't think that Christian belief or Christian theology has an immediate
practical answer to how you deal with this. What it does have, though, is an
absolute refusal to let you get away with ignoring humanity -- you can't do it,
you are not allowed."
Such statements are particularly relevant to the current state of the Catholic
Church. As the Vatican's moral and theological positions have grown more
ossified, so has its ability to address the "humanity" of women and men around
the world. Even worse, it has gone on the attack. Not content to claim that
homosexual activity is sinful, the pope and his spokesmen have found it
necessary to speak out against anti-discrimination laws that would protect the
"humanity" of gay men and lesbians. This was driven home last week in Toronto,
when our own Bernard Cardinal Law -- tainted beyond repair in the sex-abuse
scandals -- called for young people to boycott gay civil-union or commitment
ceremonies "because attending them would lend support to unnatural
relationships." Law to homosexuals (and their families and loved ones): take
your humanity and shove it. The question is not why and how Law could say this,
but whether anyone thinks the Church has any moral authority left at all?
In the politics of world religion, Williams's appointment rings a clarion bell.
The action states boldly that the Church of England will be a progressive
institution that engages with the world on open and honest terms and will not
shrink from making difficult moral statements. Further, Williams's appointment
is a blow to Anglican conservatives -- ironically, most of whom are African and
Asian clergy -- who over the past decade have had major influence in Anglican
teaching, particularly regarding social issues such as homosexuality and the
ordination of women. Beyond that, the new archbishop's outspoken progressive,
internationalist politics sets the Church of England -- which is still
intricately connected to the British government, with the queen heading the
Church just as she does the country -- on a new footing as well.
It is not just Williams's candor, or his ability to confront the increasingly
complicated problems of the contemporary world, that puts him -- and the
Anglican Church -- at the forefront of religious thought today. Most compelling
is his desire to engage and communicate with a wide range of people who are
looking, if not necessarily for answers, for new questions and ways of
understanding their lives and this world. For centuries, the Roman Catholic
Church played such a role -- in the Middle Ages and during periods of the
Renaissance, the Church was at the forefront of new thinking and new ways of
looking at the world -- but that time has ended.
Now, the Catholic Church, and this pope -- as well as the next, since we are
assured that John Paul's successor will most certainly be just as conservative
-- looks not to the future but to the past. It has refused to change and grow
and, as a result, it has stagnated. From the broad point of view of the world's
religions, there is not really much difference between Catholicism and
Protestantism -- to the Jew, the Hindu, the Muslim, the animist, the Confucian,
they are both simply Christian. Until now, the Roman Catholic Church has
assumed the mantle to speak for all of Christendom. But now -- almost five
centuries since the Reformation -- this mantle should pass to the Church of
England and its leader, Rowan Williams.
Michael Bronski is the author of The Pleasure Principle: Sex, Backlash,
and the Struggle for Gay Freedom (St. Martin's, 1998). He can be reached at mabronski@aol.com.
Issue Date: August 2 - 8, 2002